原标题:向“政治馈赠”宣战?莫迪批“发糖文化”对国家发展“极度危险”【环球时报驻巴基斯坦特派记者 程是颉 环球时报特约记者 刘皓然】向“政治馈赠”宣战?今年夏季,印度最高法院对各类选举活动中普遍存在的“政治馈赠”现象表达高度忧虑,印度总理莫迪更是直言这种现象会直接危及国家发展,系列表态很快在朝野间引发激辩。 Representatives from China and the United States participated in a dialogue on Tuesday in Beijing, where they called for joint efforts to translate the consensus reached by the two countries' heads of state into concrete action and tangible results, while also suggesting expansion of practical cooperation across a number of fields. They highlighted mutual respect, peaceful coexistence and win-win cooperation as key to keeping bilateral ties on a stable track, while stressing the need for the two countries to jointly address global challenges and bring greater stability to the world. The gathering was the third China-U.S. Track 1.5 Dialogue, jointly launched in October 2023 by the International Department of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and the Asia Society as a platform connecting representatives from politics, strategy, business, academics, civil society and youth in both countries. In May, President Xi Jinping and U.S. President Donald Trump agreed to make the building of a constructive China-U.S. relationship of strategic stability the new positioning for bilateral ties, providing strategic guidance for the relationship over the next three years and beyond. John L. Thornton, cochair of the Asia Society Board of Trustees, said Xi and Trump are both historic figures who know each other well and have a good personal relationship — a combination he described as highly unusual. "I think it's very important that the benefit of that is concrete and seen by the people, both in the United States and in China," Thornton said. He added that the key test was what the new positioning would mean in practice and whether it could produce results. "There are a lot of possibilities for progress, and I'm optimistic that there will be progress," he said. Christopher Nixon Cox, a member of the Richard Nixon Foundation's board of directors and a grandson of former U.S. president Richard Nixon, called the leader-to-leader relationship "the most important thing", saying it gave him confidence about the future of bilateral ties. While acknowledging that China and the U.S. would continue to have differences, Cox said they should seek common ground in the fields of artificial intelligence, agriculture, food security and economic affairs to help build a stable and prosperous world. "There are many things with AI that we can agree on," he said, citing the need to prevent it from harming children. Cox also invoked Nixon's historic visit to China in 1972 as an example of the political courage required on both sides. "There are many lessons from my grandfather's trip to China," he said. "One is that nothing happens without courage." Liu Haixing, minister of the International Department of the CPC Central Committee, said that a stable China-U.S. relationship was in itself the greatest contribution to world peace and development. Liu called for expanding common interests, rejecting zero-sum thinking, managing differences through clear policy signals, and upholding the bottom line of no conflict and no confrontation. Competition between major countries is normal, he said, but that should not define the entire relationship, emphasizing that it should be a healthy and positive race rather than a life-or-death gladiatorial contest. A zero-sum approach, he added, would distort market rules, disrupt global industrial cooperation and undermine market confidence. Craig Allen, former president of the U.S.-China Business Council and a nonresident senior fellow at the Asia Society Policy Institute's Center for China Analysis, said that both governments needed to follow the common framework agreed upon by the two leaders. He said maintaining an open trade and investment environment was critical to achieving the two leaders' goals. Warning that decoupling would "make us both poorer" and that "neither side can afford to decouple", Allen described the Chinese and U.S. economies as "the two engines of growth in the global economy", saying robust growth in both was essential to global stability. Sean Stein, president of the U.S.-China Business Council, said that China's importance to U.S. companies extended well beyond the size of its market. "Think of China not as a market but as a platform. That's what's important," Stein said. China's technological ecosystem, the partnerships companies form and the experience they gain there help shape products and business processes used in other markets, he added. The council's 2026 member survey found that 95 percent of respondents viewed their China operations as at least somewhat important to staying globally competitive. "China is a really important part of global competitiveness for American companies," Stein said.

。所谓“政治馈赠”,就是各党派通过一些免费物品、福利政策收买选民、获取选票,这类行径在一些国家几乎等同于贿选,但在印度,这些“小恩小惠”却是部分贫苦百姓改善生活的关键。
莫迪痛批“发糖文化” 据英国广播公司(BBC)12日报道,这场围绕选举腐败的激烈辩论始于今年夏季。7月16日,莫迪在北方邦的一场政治集会上将政治馈赠行为称作“发糖文化”,批评这种趋势对于国家发展“极度危险”,并呼吁民众不要沉溺于这种不良风气。他表示:“发糖文化的爱好者并不关心修建机场、高速路以及发展国防工业,我们必须摒弃这种思想,将这种风气从政界彻底移除。

二 | ”《印度斯坦时报》称,莫迪这番慷慨陈词并非空穴来风:今年4月,由政府高级官员组成的专家团队向莫迪提交了一份报告,称印度一些地区的政治馈赠现象已经达到“丧失理性”的程度,放任这种趋势或将导致一些邦政府“宣告破产”;更有专家声称:“我们正在走上斯里兰卡的老路。” 但印度国内对“政治馈赠”却没有形成共识。印度最高法院早在今年年初就已经受理一项针对“政治馈赠”现象的申诉,明确表示该类馈赠超出常规预算范畴即属于“严重问题”,并要求中央政府及印度选举委员会(ECI)方面做出回应。ECI4月回应称,政党提供政治馈赠的行为属于“政策类决策”,这属于中央政府管辖范畴。双方之间“踢皮球”让问题始终没有明确答案。

三 | 选举季即为“行贿季” 对于不少印度普通民众而言,政治选举活动算得上“喜闻乐见”。

四 | 不同党派为了拉票,会争相派人到大街上、居民区里发放各类福利,一些出手比较阔绰的党派甚至会发放现金、贵重电器、医疗保险,甚至还有党派会给选民发放黄金。香港《南华早报》直言,印度的选举季其实本质上就是“行贿季”。近年来,各党派的“政治馈赠”与“福利性政策”之间的界限逐渐模糊,以至于外界很难辨别哪些举措是在讨好选民、哪些是真正为公众谋福利。

五 | BBC举例称,就连执政党人民党都会在选举季推出一些惠民政策,比如提供免费住房或住房补贴、为一些地区建设厕所和卫生设施、引入天然气。

六 | 在比哈尔邦,政府会为贫困生提供学费和自行车,鼓励并帮助女孩完成学业;在泰米尔纳德邦,政府兴建公共食堂,为民众提供政府补贴的“大锅饭”;等等。褒贬不一的“福利惠民” 自1947年独立以来,“政治馈赠”一直是印度政治选举中不可或缺的一环。莫迪认为这种做法是不成熟、低效率的政治行为。政客们借此来讨好选民,最终却并不会为之埋单,无法实现“对民众负责”这一最基本的选举承诺。对此,印度各方意见不一。

七 | 印度《商业标准报》一篇评论认为,在地方获胜的“草根政党”往往借债提供“政治馈赠”式的福利政策讨好民众,同时通过政治操弄、民粹抗议等方式要挟印度中央政府持续向其提供补助来填补债务黑洞。这么做几乎实现了“国中之国”式的地方统治,对中央政府的政策推进带来阻力。通过对“政治馈赠”实施严格审核,莫迪政府将有力制约地方政党的施政自由,促进提升中央政府的改革效率。印度新德里电视台则评论认为,莫迪此举是打击“草根政党”的重要手段。许多被莫迪定义为“政治馈赠”的政策,实际上是在了解当地民众需求后,向民众提供指向性“公共福利”,它反映了不同候选人对施政目标重点的不同。

八 | 在野期间,人民党自身也实施过类似的政策。这些政策的实施效果应由民众自身投票决定,而不是被污名化为“政治馈赠”,遭到审核和攻击。《印度快报》发表社论称,“政治馈赠”不能一概而论,很多时候是印度发展不完备、体系内部效率不高的情况下,帮助最困难的民众,实现转移支付的唯一方式。政治精英们并不了解实际情况,笼统地指责各地方的做法,这么做既缺少同情心,更缺少政治智慧。返回搜狐,查看更多责任编辑: